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Showing posts with label POLICE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label POLICE. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 1, 2012

Pacifying Rio de Janeiro Slums


Problems in pacifying Rio de Janeiro slums


RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Jose Martins de Oliveira has lived with plenty of weapons and violence during his 45 years in the sprawling hillside shantytown of Rocinha. For most of that time, it was drug traffickers who controlled the giant slum with brutal force.
Now, it's the police he's worried about.
Since November, several police officers sent in to save the neighborhood have been accused of taking bribes. Another was murdered in a shootout. And just last week, three were charged with rape.
"With the police, we thought we'd have more tranquility," the 65-year-old Martins said. "We feel a little fooled. We were told we'd have peace."
Martins and other residents had high hopes when law enforcementarrived to seize control of the neighborhood in a much-hyped security program meant to prove that this Olympic city is capable of stemming endemic violence — among the promises made duringRio's candidacy to host the 2016 Games.
But the immense challenges the police have faced in pacifying the city's violent slums have raised questions about the state's ability to keep the peace as Rio prepares to take the world stage not just for the Olympics but the 2014 World Cup, which will host its headline events in Rio.
The head of state security nearly doubled the number of officers patrolling Rocinha from 350 to 643 in April to deal with the violence, which included execution-style killings. That heavy police presence has ironically become the most visible sign that the transition is not going smoothly.
Since the highly publicized slum "pacification" program began in late 2008, it became a centerpiece of Rio state's government. More than 21 permanent police units with nearly 4,000 officers have been created citywide, covering 89 shantytowns.
Jose Mariano Beltrame, the state's head of security and the program's architect, said in a press conference that it's helping "more than 1 million people sleep in peace." Another 19 units will be inaugurated across this city before Rio hosts the final World Cup match.
With Rocinha's takeover, the police closed its grip on areas key to ensuring the safety of the millions of visitors expected to flood into the city.
Police with rifles strapped to their chests patrol shantytowns along the road from the main international airport into town. They can also be seen in the slums surrounding Rio's iconic Maracana stadium, where the Olympic opening ceremony will be held, and posh southside Rio neighborhoods such as Ipanema and Copacabana. Nearly all the areas had been in the hands of drug lords, who ruled them as their private fiefdoms, violently dispensing justice and demanding loyalty from residents.
Rocinha's seizure was particularly dramatic, further raising expectations of a better life. The slum's leading drug lord, Antonio Bonfim Lopes, suffered a humiliating arrest days before the takeover, appearing on Brazilian television being pulled from the trunk of a car, after being caught trying to escape.
The takeover that followed was quick and peaceful. Not a single shot was fired, and in less than two hours, police had seized control of territory that had been under the domain of drug traffickers for decades. Rio's main newspaper trumpeted the news, announcing the next day in a giant, front-page headline: "Rocinha is ours."
Euphoria spread through the community in the days that followed, Martins said. Drug gangs had made attaining even basic services such as mail delivery and trash collection difficult, he said, so everyone sighed with relief when municipal workers scoured the slum, leaving Rocinha clean.
"We were so hopeful," Martins said. "Now it seems we've traded the guns of traffickers for the guns of police. These are official, so we can complain of abuses, and that's better. But in the end it's not guns that are going to make things better and convince the people who live here: It's services, things like running water, sewage, and shoring up unstable hillsides that can slip when it rains. And those aren't here."
Over the past few months, police have opened investigations into point-blank shootings linked to a fight over control of drug sales, especially since old gang bosses have been jailed. One of those killed was a former neighborhood association leader who was facing charges of laundering drug money.
At the same time, the old vices of Rio's police such as corruption and abuse have surfaced. Residents say they've been disgusted by reports of officers taking bribes from drug traffickers who want to keep doing business. This week, a resident charged three officers with rape; the men were arrested pending an investigation.
The state responded to the killings by throwing young officers still in training into the shantytown to bolster forces and help keep peace.
Beltrame said he would not waver in his campaign to make Rocinha and Rio safe, but reiterated his warning: Implementing the police pacification units will be a long and difficult process.
"In every area we go in we've had problems. In every single one," said Beltrame. "We cannot undo in months what the dictatorship of drug traffickers did to Rocinha and to other communities in this city over 40 years. There are phases to the installation of (the units), and we are in the beginning. But we will not back down."
Rio state police chief, Erir Ribeiro da Costa Filho, also asked for patience and promised that any officers found guilty of corruption or crimes against the population would be punished.
"Any officers caught in an infraction can and will be excluded from our organization," he said. "They will be investigated."
Rocinha is not the only community in which the program ran into trouble. In September, an anonymous tipster notified pacification unit chiefs that some of the officers patrolling the bohemian Santa Teresa neighborhood were taking monthly payments from drug dealers in exchange for their lenience. Three officers were caught carrying $6,900; the case escalated, and the police unit's leader had to be removed only six months after the unit's inauguration.
In the Alemao slum complex, tensions have heightened between residents and occupying police and army troops. Those who live there have complained about rough searches and abuses by law enforcement, while army troops supporting police suffered 89 attacks by residents in February, including one with sticks and stones during a goodwill visit by British Prince Harry.
Even residents who welcome the police program chafe against the myriad rules and strict control that officers enforce.
"When they (law enforcement) came in, they called an assembly, but it was only to tell us how things were going to be," said Roberto, a Rocinha resident who didn't want to give his last name for fear he'd be singled out for his criticism.
"I don't want to live anywhere else; this is where my life is," he said. "But I want a community with a voice. I know we can't determine the course of police work, but as citizens, we should be able to speak about what kind of community we want to have."
In spite of the problems, the citywide program has been successful if judged by its official aims: to break territorial control by armed groups in specific communities, and to reduce violence, said Ignacio Cano, a researcher with Rio's state university.
But the real question is not whether the city will be safe enough for the World Cup and Olympics, but whether the program can provide long-term security, he said.
Hundreds of communities are still ruled by drug-dealing criminals or militias composed in part of corrupt police, dwarfing the 21 pacification units up and running so far. And there simply aren't enough police officers to extend the reach of the state into every shantytown, Cano said.
"The local impact seems to be positive, but it is limited," he said. "The (pacification units) have been created in areas of the south zone, touristic areas, middle- to high-income areas, areas connected to the World Cup and Olympic games. It doesn't go to the most violent areas, the west of the town, the north of the town and the suburbs."

Saturday, September 17, 2011

IS BRAZIL BECOMING ANOTHER MEXICO?


Brazil: Patricia Acioli Assassination Is Intimidating Message From Militias

Patricia Acioli Brazil Murder
By JULIANA BARBASSA   09/16/11 04:49 PM ET   AP
RIO DE JANEIRO -- Judge Patricia Acioli was known for wielding a "heavy hammer," especially against rogue police who have formed illegal vigilante gangs. She had put more than 60 officers behind bars, most of them for murder.
The Rio de Janeiro state judge paid for that fearlessness: Acioli was shot to death in front of her house last month. And all of the 21 bullets that hit her came from a lot issued to police, including some in Sao Goncalo, the city where she worked.
While violence and impunity are common in Brazil, the brazen murder of Acioli was an especially heavy blow, a message of intimidation from the vigilante militias.
The slaying was "a wound to the lawful state, to democracy; the figure of the judge is a symbol of justice," said Denise Frossard, a retired judge who presided over some of Rio's first cases against the militias in the 1990s. "If she is a judge and can be killed, how can a citizen feel secure enough to be a witness?"
Acioli's death was the first murder of a judge in the state's history, though Frossard herself survived three assassination attempts and had eight security guards ensuring her safety while she was on the bench.
Violent militias have grown in power and scope in recent years, taking over poor communities formerly controlled by drug dealers and coercing residents to pay for illegal utility hookups, transportation, and security. Their members include former and current police, firefighters and jail guards. Investigators say they have elected members as state and city legislators. They also have been praised by politicians, including Rio de Janeiro's mayor, for taking back swaths of territory from drug gangs.
A probe by the state legislature in 2008 found militias were connected to execution-style killings, far-reaching extortion schemes, and the kidnapping and torture of a group of journalists investigating the gangs' activities.
Acioli had been repeatedly threatened for taking on the police officers who were part of the gangs, and she had written letters to her superiors requesting protection. One week before her murder, she went to Rio police's internal affairs office and said she was being threatened by officers from Sao Goncalo, where she worked, and Niteroi, where she lived.
The last case on her docket on Aug. 11, the day she died, involved policemen charged with executing an 18-year-old man in a slum. One of her last acts as a judge was to authorize their arrest.
A month later, three of the same Sao Goncalo police officers were charged with her murder.
The suspects knew the judge would ask for their arrest, and wanted to stop her, said Felipe Ettore, the head of Rio's homicide division, in a press conference this week. They didn't know she'd already issued the order.
"Their way of stopping her was to kill her," Ettore said. "They went to court and followed Patricia to her front door."
Nationwide, the lives of 134 judges are currently under threat, according to the National Council for Justice, which oversees the judiciary branch in Brazil. Requests for protection from magistrates jumped 400 percent in the month since Acioli's death, according to the Brazilian Association of Judges.
The killing prompted the United Nations special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Gabriela Knaul, to urge Brazilian authorities to protect those charged with enforcing the law.
"The assassination of Judge Acioli is evidence of the existence of a pervasive and serious problem regarding the protection of judges in Brazil," said Knaul, a Brazilian judge herself.
Acioli's caseload was taken on by three other judges. Seven prosecutors are now working with them.
"Her death did bring on a fear among prosecutors and judges; they're human, and it's natural to think, 'That could be me tomorrow,'" said Claudio Lopes, Rio state's attorney general. "But if this was done to intimidate justice, it is backfiring. We will be more rigorous than ever."
The work is not only dangerous, it's difficult. Militias infiltrate the state from local police departments to state legislatures. They have a particularly nefarious effect on the legal system because they blur the boundaries between legitimate agents of the law and criminals, Lopes said.
"They're often composed of people credentialed by the state to promote public safety, and they turn against the state, against the public," he said. "They usurp the authority of the state. In this way, they are a danger that goes deeper than drug traffickers."
Even a few years ago, some politicians still praised militias for doing what the state couldn't do: take on drug dealers entrenched in the city's shantytowns.
Former Rio Mayor Cesar Maia welcomed them as a "lesser evil" and a form of "community self-defense" against drug gangs, according to the newspaper O Globo in 2006.
Current Mayor Eduardo Paes praised militias in a July 2008 interview on Globo television, saying they "brought peace to the population" in areas where the state had lost sovereignty to drug lords.
Such views are changing as the body count rises. The 2008 investigation led by Marcelo Freixo, head of the state legislature's human rights commission, led to the arrest of one state representative and six city council members for militia activity. Hundreds were arrested on other charges because of information detailed in the report.
One of those arrested, Rio City Councilman Luiz Andre Ferreira da Silva, is accused of plotting to kill the city's police chief and Freixo.
In Sao Goncalo, 34 officers were put on leave after Acioli's death because they face serious criminal charges such as murder, according to Rio state's Supreme Court. Arrest warrants have been issued for 28 of them.
In spite of the threats to Acioli, court officials had cut her security detail from four to one in 2007, said Tecio Lins e Silva, an attorney representing her family.
"This is a matter involving my life, and it is very important," Acioli wrote in a letter appealing the decision. "I don't understand the treatment being given to the case."
But the security officers were not reinstated. At the moment she was shot, no one was there to protect her.
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